Linking Family Stories to National and Global Historical Trends

November 19, 2021

As a Professor of History at California State University Fullerton (CSUF), I have benefited tremendously from attending the meetings of the Chinese Family History Group of Southern California. In fact, meeting the members online and hearing the various speakers has been one of the highlights of this past year for me. While my training is primarily in the field of modern Japanese history (UCLA Ph.D., 2002), since about 2008, I have also been involved in projects related to Asian American history, primarily through an oral history project I was a part of, where we interviewed second-generation (Nisei) Japanese American veterans who had served as translators and interpreters in the Allied Occupation of Japan from 1945-1952. Since my research focuses on the ethnic Korean community in postwar Japan, I have also branched out in recent years to connect with various Korean American organizations in the Los Angeles region. In particular, I was part of a couple of events that commemorated the 100th anniversary of the March 1st 1919 Independence Movement in Korea during the era of colonial rule. So, this foray into Chinese and Chinese American history is a relatively new venture for me, and I would like to share some of the highlights here.


When I worked on the Nisei veterans oral history project mentioned above, part of my job was to clarify various terms in Japanese that were relevant to the work these soldiers had performed during the Occupation. For instance, some of them had served as interpreters during the International Military Tribunal for the Far East and they talked about the difficulties of interpreting literally and trying to convey the cultural nuances of the speaker. While we were conducting these oral history interviews, the veterans were often accompanied by their third-generation children who usually did not speak or read Japanese. We often joked about my role in communicating with their fathers (now in their 80s and 90s) in Japanese, even though I am not of Japanese descent. I’ve thought about those encounters often when I hear younger participants in the Chinese Family History Group talk about needing help to read Chinese or communicate in Chinese with extended family members. To me, this speaks to the ongoing need for a wider network of collaboration where people with various skills can bring those talents to the table and work together in the process of digging through family records and other sources. I didn’t start learning Japanese until I was in high school and I always try to encourage my students at Cal State Fullerton to think about learning a new language, even if it’s only for one semester. I introduce Chinese characters into my lectures and students like getting a bonus point if they write a word like “history” (歴史) on their blue book at the end of their exam! 


One of the most important things I’ve learned from the online meetings of the Chinese Family History Group has to do with the challenges of working with immigration records and the ins and outs of the archives and various documents. While I knew the basics of the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act, I didn’t know about the details of the immigration interviews and what kinds of information could be elicited from such documents. I often talk to my students about reading evidence “against the grain” to try to ascertain the perspective of someone who may not have written a particular document, but whose life story may be revealed in the process of combing through it very carefully. Coming from a family who traces our roots back to Ireland, I was struck on a few occasions by the Irish sounding names of the immigration officers and have found myself wondering what their life history is, and how they ended up in that particular job. Over the years, I’ve had many students who are interested in reading and writing historical fiction and I think that such records could lend themselves to serve as the basis for a work of fiction that explores multiple American families whose lives intersect in places like Angel Island or San Francisco. 


Although I currently teach in a History Department, my academic background is more interdisciplinary, as my undergraduate major was Japanese language and my Master’s degree was in Asian Studies. In fact, I haven’t formally studied American history since high school (Class of 1984 in Norwalk, Ct.) so most of my knowledge of my own country’s history has been through self-study and conversations with colleagues as an adult. In fact, it wasn’t until this year that I learned in a detailed way about the trajectory of Chinese laborers coming to the U.S. in the wake of the end of slavery in the mid-19th century. This point has come up in several CFHGSC presentations and has made me think how important it is to connect national history with global historical trends like Chinese emigration. In addition to teaching Japanese and Korean history, I also serve as the CSUF History Dept. Teaching Credential Adviser and I help students who want to be junior high and high school teachers choose their classes to prepare for such a career. While the secondary school curriculum divides national and world history into separate subjects, my increased familiarity with Chinese family history has reinforced for me the importance of bridging this artificial divide if students are to appreciate global and national trends and events in all their complexity. We’re lucky at Cal State Fullerton to have several specialists in the field of Asian history, so our future teachers can take classes in Japanese, Korean, modern and ancient Chinese history, as well as SE Asian history. My participation in the CFHGSC workshops has made me appreciate this range of offerings for our students, knowing that there are so many connections to be made across time periods and artificially drawn geographic boundaries. 


About ten years ago, I got connected with a group of historians based in Osaka Japan who were looking to rethink the world history curriculum and go beyond the limiting framework of nation-state centered history. I’ve attended many international conferences in places like Singapore, Shanghai and Seoul that highlighted research related to topics like maritime trade and focused on people who defy easy categorization as members of one country. As I’ve been learning about Chinese family history, it occurs to me that this topic lends itself to these newer research trends and global collaborations among scholars and graduate students. One of the unique features of this Osaka-led group is their concern with the curriculum at the secondary level and the ways that junior high and high school teachers can incorporate more current world history research into their classroom lessons. For instance, one historian presented research on the history of Chinatown in Yokohama in the 19th century and encouraged teachers to incorporate this aspect of urban history into a world history class that often tends to emphasize the role of Westerners in these treaty port cities. Over the last year, I’ve been struck by the geographic range of the online CFHGSC participants and it’s always so exciting to see that people are tuning in from places as far away as Malaysia, Australia and Indonesia. Seeing this global scope of participation makes me think of this long history of the establishment of Chinatowns around the world and the varied demographics and spread of residents of Chinese descent in the intervening centuries. 


For me, one of the most intriguing aspects of Chinese family genealogical research are the human faces and personal family stories that go along with an investigation of these kinds of global trends. By participating in these online forums, I also feel a kind of personal connection to the more abstract political, social and economic trends and structures that inform these family histories. Since coming to Fullerton in 2002, I’ve found that students are much more engaged with the study of history if they can put a face and personal story to the larger narrative. This kind of approach provides an entrée to the subject matter first as a human being, and then the analytical mind and critical thinking can follow once that interest and engagement is there. These forums have reaffirmed my commitment to taking this approach with my students as a way to expand their horizons and think about history beyond a bland kind of memorization of dates and names of so-called “Great Men.” In the Fall 2021 semester I will be teaching a graduate seminar and we will be reading the novel Pachinko by Min Jin Lee about a Korean family who emigrated to Japan during the colonial period. My interest in Chinese genealogy informed my choice of this required reading, since I now see how I can use a fictional story like Pachinko to explore various aspects of family history and urge students to use the novel as a jumping off point to think about more conventional historical issues like wartime labor conscription, etc. Many of our Master’s students take classes at night after teaching History during the day in secondary schools around Orange County, so I hope this approach will have a trickle down kind of effect as well. In this way, I like to think that the Chinese Family History Group of Southern California will continue to have a ripple effect for many years to come!

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A Friends of Roots (FOR) cohort traveled to Cuba in March 2020 to explore the Chinese presence which dates back to the 1830s and 1840s. Cuba was occupied by the Spanish empire for some 400 years. By the 1830s some Chinese arrived in Cuba from the Philippines (another Spanish colony) by way of the Manila galleon trade. Large numbers of Chinese from the mainland arrived beginning in 1847, some tricked or kidnapped (“selling pigs”), under onerous eight-year contracts for indentured labor, to work alongside enslaved Africans on Cuba’s sugar plantations and other industries. Around 125,000 Chinese arrived in Cuba from 1847 to 1874, the period of the “coolie trade.” Over 90,000 Chinese arrived in Peru under similarly onerous indentured labor contracts from 1849 to 1874. Some Chinese in Cuba had ancestral roots in Fujian (mainly the Amoy/Xiamen region), but the majority were from Guangdong’s Pearl River Delta. Chinese who survived their eight-year contracts often remained in Cuba, either by choice or because they could not pay for passage back to China. Many started small businesses in Cuba’s cities and towns and cities. The Cuban Chinese community grew in the late 1800s with the arrival of the “Californios,” Chinese who left the United States because of discrimination and racism there; many of the Californios were merchants, and they provided an infusion of capital to the community. There were very few women among the Chinese in Cuba, and relationships with non-Chinese Cuban women, especially Black Cubans, resulted in many mixed race descendants. Race relations in Cuba were relatively relaxed in comparison to the United States, although the US exported its anti-Chinese policies to Cuba during its occupation of Cuba after the Spanish-American War. Scholar Evelyn Hu-DeHart has noted a Black and Chinese “intimacy” in Cuba that is missing in North America. Cuba once had the largest Chinese population in the Caribbean and Latin America. There were Chinese communities across the country, from Santiago de Cuba at the far eastern end of the island to Havana in the west, and in the cities and towns in between. As in other Chinese communities around the world, the Chinese in Cuba established many clan, regional, fraternal, commercial, and political organizations. The Casino Chung Wah (known in Chinese as the zhonghua huiguan) in Havana, served as an umbrella organization, not unlike the Chinese Six Companies in San Francisco. Our group met with community leaders at the Min Chih Tang (minzhidang), which has its roots in early 20th century anti-Qing societies in China. Cuba was the last Spanish colony in the Americas to gain independence from Spain, which came only after three wars in the mid- and late-19th century. Thousands of Chinese were among the rebels that fought against the Spanish in those wars. A monument to the Chinese independence fighters stands in the Vedado area of Havana, with the inscription, “No hubo un chino cubano desertor. No hubo un chino cubano traidor” (There was not one Chinese Cuban deserter. There was not one Chinese Cuban traitor). Independence from Spain was finally achieved after the Spanish-American War of 1898, only to be replaced by American influence through military occupation, treaties that gave the United States naval bases (of which Guantanamo remains) and the right to intervene in Cuban affairs, American business interests, and the mafia. American influence continued until the Cuban revolution of 1959, and Cuba soon sided with the Soviet Union during the Cold War. A second period of large scale Chinese emigration occurred after World War I, when some 120,000 arrived in Cuba, during a brief period when Cuba’s immigration policies were relaxed due to labor shortages. A final wave of immigration took place in the late 1940s and early 1950s, when Chinese fled the Kuomintang-Communist civil war and the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. Chinese Cubans fought on both sides of the rebellion that resulted in the 1959 victory by Fidel Castro’s forces. In one of the last and decisive engagements of the war (December 1958) Captain Alfredo Abón Lee of the Cuban army held off rebel forces under the command of Camilo Cienfuegos at the Battle of Yaguajay until his troops ran out of ammunition and Lee was forced to surrender. Seeing the writing on the wall, President Batista (who was himself of part Chinese descent) fled Cuba the following day, opening the way for the rebels to take Havana on January 1, 1959. On the other side, commanders Armando Choy, Gustavo Chui and Moisés Sío Wong fought with the rebels and remain honored veterans of the revolution. Many Chinese fled Cuba for Florida, New York, Puerto Rico, and elsewhere after the 1959 revolution, as their businesses and property were under threat of seizure. Other Chinese were supportive of the revolution or had no option to leave, and stayed. There has been very little Chinese emigration to Cuba since the revolution. Our group, however, had a Chinese banquet at the Tigre Amarillo restaurant in Barrio Chino, which is owned by a Chinese entrepreneur from Sichuan(!) who arrived in the 1980s. We also met with a woman from Enping who arrived in Cienfuegos in the 1990s and has become a leading member of the Chinese community there. Our group walked through colonial Old Havana (Habana Vieja) and Chinatown (Barrio Chino), which is immediately adjacent to Old Havana and the former national capitol building (the Capitolio). The entrance to Barrio Chino is marked by a gate similar to that in San Francisco Chinatown and many other Chinatowns around the world. There are very few China-born residents left in Cuba, at this point probably no more than 100. Those that remain are quite elderly, in their 80s and 90s. There are hundreds of thousands of Cubans across the country, however, who have some Chinese blood. Many Cubans proudly claim a Chinese grandparent or great-grandparent.

Kristine Dennehy teaches Japanese and Korean history at California State University Fullerton, where she also serves as Teaching Credential Adviser. Originally from Connecticut, over the last several years, she has developed a strong interest in Asian American history and community history more generally in Southern California. 

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